Editorial: Telangana's hidden caste truths

The Telangana government’s caste survey has, in a sense, thrown up no major surprises. The Socio-Economic, Educational, Employment, Political and Caste (SEEEPC) Survey 2024 revealed that 135 castes out of 242 in the state are relatively more backward, as per their Composite Backward Index score, which was a whopping over 81.

It is alarming that these castes constitute 67% of the state’s population. The validity of a survey largely depends on its methodology, and the Independent Expert Working Group developed 42 parameters to capture the reality.

The SEEEPC data collected will be critical for evidence-based policymaking. The more accurate the data, the better the government can design tailor-made programmes for the most deserving populations. Secondly, empirical and quantitative data provide the necessary justification for affirmative action, as sections of society that belong to the general category, and are not covered by it, continue to nurture resentment against welfare measures, especially reservations in education and jobs, and their beneficiaries, who face everyday microaggressions in educational institutions and workplaces, apart from caste-based violence. Occasionally, such resentment triggers mass protests, as seen in the wake of the recent University Grants Commission’s equity regulations.

Decades of affirmative action, social welfare schemes and poverty alleviation programmes have had an impact, and the caste survey offers insights into the differences between Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in their access to such measures. Ideally, the more vulnerable groups should be prioritised in welfare measures in proportion to their population. Otherwise, the relatively better-off sections among these groups will corner the lion’s share, and the weakest will continue to be marginalised. Merely launching a welfare scheme does not ensure access, as, besides caste-based prejudices and discrimination, digital technologies, including Aadhaar and Direct Benefit Transfers, have in recent times emerged as major hindrances. Moreover, implementing agencies have been lackadaisical when it comes to empowering potential beneficiaries through information and awareness.

Caste continues to be a dominant factor in other spheres too. While educated sections of society may be in denial about caste and caste inequalities in urban areas, studies have disproved such beliefs. Likewise, several studies have shown the extent of under-representation of marginalised communities in elite educational institutions, commercial establishments, and in the judiciary, police, bureaucracy and other power centres. Caste refuses to go away, and this is evident in the low percentage of inter-caste marriages.

The SEEEPC has found that dominant, land-owning castes such as Reddys and Velamas are more resistant to inter-caste marriages compared to other general castes such as Brahmins, Rajus, and BCs and SCs converted to Christianity. One could surmise that land-owning families are more likely to have a feudal mindset, while educated general caste families may be opening up to the idea of inter-caste marriages, especially in urban areas and through interactions in educational institutions and workplaces. This, however, needs further study.

The Congress party has been aggressively advocating caste surveys, and its governments in Karnataka and Telangana have initiated action. While targeted affirmative action and welfare schemes will help bring about economic equality, the real and more daunting battle must be fought in the social, political and cultural spheres through mass socio-political and cultural mobilisation on a reformist and progressive agenda.